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WAWA/WeAreWideAwake is my Public Service to America as a muckracker who has journeyed seven times to Israel Palestine since June 2005. WAWA is dedicated to confronting media and governments that shield the whole truth.

We who Are Wide Awake are compelled by the "fierce urgency of Now" [Rev MLK, Jr.] to raise awareness and promote the human dialogue about many of the crucial issues of our day: the state of our Union and in protection of democracy, what life is like under military occupation in Palestine, the Christian EXODUS from the Holy Land, and spirituality-from a Theologically Liberated Christian Anarchist POV.

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We hold these truths to be self-evident: That all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their creator with certain unalienable rights; that, among these, are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness; that, to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed; and, whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it. -July 4, 1776. The Declaration of Independence


Home arrow Blog arrow March 2009 arrow March 24, 2009

March 24, 2009
March 24, 2009: A most immoral army and ending with A Prophetic Voice in Jewish, Multireligious, and American Life
In Hareetz, on March, 22 2009, Gideon Levy wrote, "The IDF knew very well what its soldiers did in Gaza. It has long ceased to be the most moral army in the world...The soldiers' transgressions are an inevitable result of the orders given during this brutal operation, and they are the natural continuation of the last nine years, when soldiers killed nearly 5,000 Palestinians, at least half of them innocent civilians, nearly 1,000 of them children and teenagers...Everything [that] occurred during these blood-soaked years as if they were routine events. ..we have trained our soldiers to think that the lives and property of Palestinians have no value whatsoever. It is part of a process of dehumanization that has endured for dozens of years"[1] the bitter fruits of the occupation.

In an interview with the Jerusalem Post on May 24, 2004, Israeli Professor Arnon Soffer, Head of the IDF's National Defense College, was brutally honest abvout the desired results of Israel's unilateral disengagement from Gaza:

"It's going to be a terrible war. So, if we want to remain alive, we will have to kill and kill and kill. All day, every day...If we don't kill, we will cease to exist…Unilateral separation doesn't guarantee "peace" - it guarantees a Zionist-Jewish state with an overwhelming majority of Jews...”

On January 11, 2009, Reserve Colonel Yoav Gal, an Israeli Air Force pilot, told Army Radio during Operation Cast Lead, "I believe that it should have been even stronger! Dresden! Dresden! The extermination of a city! After all, we're told that the face of war has changed. No longer is it the advancing of tanks or an organized military. […] It is a whole nation, from the old lady to the child, this is the military. It is a nation fighting a war. I am calling them a nation, even though I don't see them as one. It is a nation fighting a nation. Civilians fighting civilians. I'm telling you that we […] must know […] that stones will not be thrown at us! I am not talking about rockets - not even a stone will be thrown at us. Because we're Jews.[…] I want the Arabs of Gaza to flee to Egypt. This is what I want. I want to destroy the city, not necessarily the people living within it."

"Most of the soldiers who took part in the assault on Gaza are youths with morals. Some of them will volunteer for any mission. They will escort an old woman across the street or rescue earthquake victims. But in Gaza, when faced with the inhuman Palestinians, the package will always be suspicious, the brainwashing will be stupefying and the core principles will change. That is the only way they can kill and engage in wanton destruction without deliberating or wrestling with their consciences, not even telling their friends or girlfriends what they did."-Gideon Levy


While I was in the little town of Bethlehem: Occupied Territory in July, 2007, I interviewed Dr. Rafat-Allawi and four General Practice residents at a pediatric privately funded hospital in the West Bank, during their forty-five minute break time in a 116 hour week. They pulled call at forty hour stretches and were paid $1, 400.00 a month, twice what physicians are paid in the public government hospitals of Palestine.

Dr. Yousef: "Three days ago, I had a critical cardiac patient that required transport to Israeli hospital, as we do not have the facilities or specialists here to treat critical cases. I had to apply for a permit; permission to travel with the child in the ambulance to Jerusalem, but was refused as the Israelis claimed I was a security risk; a threat to the state of Israel."

Dr. Amro: "Yes, a threat with his stethoscope! I had a patient that was one week old with severe heart disease and needed to go to Jerusalem for emergency care. The mother, a paramedic and I traveled with the baby in the ambulance. At the checkpoint, the Israeli soldier; a female laughed and told the mother in broken Arabic, 'You cannot pass through until you admit you are a prostitute.' The mother did not understand what she was saying and why the soldiers were laughing and joking as her baby was blue, but she said what the soldier demanded and we finally were let through. I do not know what happened with that baby and this harassment at the checkpoints is not unusual. At the checkpoints it is usual to wait 3-4 hours and because Palestinian ambulances are not allowed through, we must hire Israeli ambulances for transport. They charge 1,800 shekels [ 450.00 USA dollars] and the parents cannot even make that much money in a month of work."

Dr. Allawi: "The other alternative from going to Jerusalem [a few miles away] is to take the children to Jordan for care, but that trip can take two days. Before the intifada, we were able to go to Jerusalem, but not since. Yesterday, I had a child in renal failure and there is no pediatric dialysis available in the West Bank. It took over twelve hours to locate a hospital in Israel to take him, but it was too late and he is dead."

I asked did any of them have any faith in Tony Blair and the Quartet's initiative to build Palestinian infrastructures, especially in the medical field. They all laughed and Dr. Allawi added, "We have a very weak Health Ministry and there is no state authority. In 1994, when the PA started, its aim was that Palestine would assume authority and responsibility for ourselves and the Israelis present a false front."

 When I commented that under International Law the occupiers are responsible for the needs and requirements of the occupied, the doctors laughed again, for it is the law of the jungle that rules the Holy Land.

The doctors examined and treated over one hundred children a day and admited a quarter of them. I was told that in the public hospitals in places like Hebron, the physicians will see five-hundred a day and admit a fourth of them also.

Dr. Hafiri: "We need specialists here; this is a major disaster not having any in the West Bank."

Dr. Amro: "The politicians live in a bubble. We live in the third world, and this is a heaven hospital, the government hospitals in the West Bank are hell! If we need blood for a child, we have to get it from Jerusalem and it takes five hours! So, we are supposed to predict six hours ahead, which child will require blood stat-immediately!"

Dr. Allawi: "There is no plan, no aim to really change this situation. The world leaders are not serious about changing the situation and really building foundations. Some of us get the opportunity to go to the US and get specialized training, but they don't come back here."

Dr. Al-Qaisi pulled out his USA citizenship and said, "In 2004, I won a green card lottery. The USA grants 55,000 green cards a year and if you pass the security checks and all the other criteria, you can get American citizenship. I went to Toledo, Ohio for a while, but I came back home, because my family is the most important thing to me. I don't care about making  a lot of money, I want to be with my family."

So do the former Israeli soldiers with Breaking the Silence who have been trying to wake up their fellow citizens regarding how the occupation dehumanizes both sides by breaking down the barrier of denial by speaking out:

"Since our discharge from the army, we all feel that we have become different. We feel that service in the occupied territories and the incidents we faced have distorted and harmed the moral values on which we grew up.

"We all agree that as long as Israeli society keeps sending its best people to military combat service in the occupied territories, it is extremely important that all of us, Israeli citizens, know the price which the generation who is fighting in the territories is paying, the impossible situations it is facing, the insanity it is confronting everyday, and the heavy burden it bears after being discharged from the IDF, a heavy burden that hasn't left us.

"That's why we decided to break the silence, because it's time to tell. Time to tell about everything that goes on there each and every day.

"We all served in the territories. Some served in Gaza, some in Hebron, some in Bethlehem and the rest served in other places. We all manned checkpoints, participated in patrols and arrests and took part in the war against terror. We all realized that the daily struggle against terror and the daily interaction with the civilian population has left us helpless. Our sense of justice was distorted, and so were our morality and emotions.

"The reality we experienced was made of: Innocent civilians being hurt, Kids not going to school because of the curfew, and parents who can't bring food home because they can't go to work.

"This reality has stayed us and will not go away. After discharge from the army, we decided that we shouldn't go on.

"We shouldn't forget what we ourselves did and what we witnessed. We decided to break the silence."

"There is a very clear and powerful connection between how much time you serve in the territories and how fucked in the head you get."[2]




"The climate in general... I don't know how to describe it.... the lives of Palestinians, let's say, are much, much less important than the lives of our soldiers," an infantry squad leader is quoted saying.

In another cited case, a commander ordered troops to kill an elderly woman walking on a road, even though she was easily identifiable and clearly not a threat.

Testimonies, which were given by combat pilots and infantry soldiers, also included allegations of unnecessary destruction of Palestinian property.

"We would throw everything out of the windows to make room and order. Everything... Refrigerators, plates, furniture. The order was to throw all of the house's contents outside," a soldier said.

One non-commissioned officer related at the seminar that an old woman crossing a main road was shot by soldiers.

"I don't know whether she was suspicious, not suspicious, I don't know her story… I do know that my officer sent people to the roof in order to take her out… It was cold-blooded murder," he said.

The transcript of the session for the college's Yitzhak Rabin pre-military course, which was held last month, appeared in a newsletter published by the academy.

Israeli human rights groups have criticised the military for failing to properly investigate violations of the laws of war in Gaza despite plenty of evidence of possible war crimes.

'Moral army'

The soldiers' testimonies also reportedly told of an unusually high intervention by military and non-military rabbis, who circulated pamphlets describing the war in religious terminology.

Palestinian civilians paid a heavy price during the three-week Israeli operation

"All the articles had one clear message," one soldier said. "We are the people of Israel, we arrived in the country almost by miracle, now we need to fight to uproot the gentiles who interfere with re-conquering the Holy Land."

"Many soldiers' feelings were that this was a war of religion," he added.

Defence Minister Ehud Barak told Israel Radio that the findings would be examined seriously.

"I still say we have the most moral army in the world. Of course there may be exceptions but I have absolutely no doubt this will be inspected on a case-by-case basis," he said.

Medical authorities say more than 1,300 Palestinians were killed during Israel's 22-day operation, including some 440 children, 110 women, and dozens of elderly people.

The stated aim was to curb rocket and mortar fire by militants from Gaza. Thirteen Israelis, including three civilians were killed.

Which Strategy to Heal the Middle East?
Dialogue: Naomi Klein & Arthur Waskow

Arthur Waskow wrote:

Several weeks ago, a national progressive newspaper called In These Times invited me to take part in a conversation with Naomi Klein, a renowned progressive political analyst and writer, with the intention of transcribing it and publishing an edited version approved by both of us.

The occasion was that Klein, in the wake of the Israeli invasion of Gaza, had for the first time joined the campaign for a "BDS strategy"  ("Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions") directed at Israel.  I assume ITT asked me because they knew I supported a very different strategy for bringing peace to the Middle East.  (Both of us agreed that the crucial change must be a vigorous, committed, and active US insistence on full regional peace among Israel, Palestine, all Arab states, Iran, and the US itself.)

 I agreed to join in the dialogue, and this edited version of our conversation has now been published by ITT.

I want to note that only in the last few days (March 20-22), weeks after our conversation,  have there been published graphic descriptions by Israeli soldiers of what they themselves have called criminal acts, including murder, by Israeli soldiers in Gaza.  These descriptions  were published in two major Israeli newspapers after being leaked to them by an Army officer who was horrified by the descriptions. They have also been widely reported in the West, and they put to shame assertions that such claims by Palestinians and outside observers were lies.

It is not yet clear whether the publication will have a profound effect or only a marginal one on Israeli public opinion and government policy. 

These reports have greatly strengthened my (already strong) conviction that those American Jews who have seen Israel as "HaTikvah, "the hope," of fulfilling Jewish values, not negating and destroying them, must act vigorously to uphold those values, even and especially against the will of the Israeli government. I continue to believe that the most effective path to doing so remains the one I have sketched below.  And I welcome the kind of dialogue, on this and other issues, that Naomi Klein and I had. Shalom, salaam, peace --  Arthur

In These Times: Naomi, won't your BDS proposal strategy simply strengthen the position of Israeli nationalists, who will then be able to turn to moderates and say, "We are under attack?"

Naomi Klein: The hard right seems to be strengthening all on its own, if we judge by the results of the recent Israeli elections.

But I've noticed a change within Israel. I got quite a few e-mails from Israelis saying,  "I've always opposed this, but I feel that it is the only option left." I think that's a reflection of the feeling of desperation among progressive Israelis who are watching their country move hard right and seeing the level of violence increase exponentially.

ITT: Arthur, you were an anti-Apartheid activist who supported a BDS approach to South Africa. Are there similarities between the Occupied Territories and the Bantustans, the small areas of South Africa that were under "independent" black rule.

Rabbi Arthur Waskow: There are similarities, but the BDS approach is not the way to bring about the change that is absolutely necessary.

The most important, and probably the only effective, change that can be brought about is a serious change in the behavior of the U.S. government.  That means we need to engage in serious organizing within the United States.

Naomi has written about the failure of carrots in changing the way Israel has behaved so far, and I agree. One carrot the Israeli government has essentially ignored, with the help of the Bush administration, is the offer of the Arab League, led by a surprisingly creative King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia. It outlines a general peace treaty between Israel and all the Arab states, on the condition of a peace treaty being negotiated between Israel and a viable, sensible Palestinian state with perhaps some variations on the 1967 boundaries.

But the Israeli government of the last 10 years has been totally uninterested because it thought it could get away with de facto annexing more and more land of the West Bank and East Jerusalem.

If the U.S. government had said, "Here's the deal: the Arab League proposal [with some important negotiated changes, especially about refugees and exact borders] is what we are after, and we will offer carrots and we will offer sticks, whatever is necessary to bring this about." Then there would be very serious change, both within the Palestinian territories and Israel.

Real political change within the United States could come through an Abrahamic Alliance, an alliance between  big chunks -though of course not all-of the Jewish community,  the Muslim community, and the Christians.

Boycotts and divestment are not going to do it.  I understand that they express a kind of personal purity-"not with my money you don't"-but they won't change U.S. policy, which is exactly what needs to be changed.

NK: It is not a question of personal purity.  It's a question of basic solidarity. A call for this tactic has come from coalitions of Palestinian groups representing a very wide spectrum of political parties, labor unions and community groups.

Interestingly, the country which has responded the most seriously to the BDS movement is South Africa, precisely because the parallels are seen most clearly in South Africa.

A lot of this criticism of the BDS movement has been-why Israel?  Why not Sri Lanka? And the point is that, according to basic left principles of solidarity, the tactics should be chosen by the oppressed community themselves.

In terms of the ultimate solution and what that should be, BDS and Arthur's calls for an Abrahamic alliance are not incompatible goals.  I think that really what we're talking about it how you build pressure towards a resolution.

AW: But Naomi, something different is going on inside Israeli Jewish and Israeli Palestinian society than what was going on within white South Africa. Leaving aside the fact that in Israel about a fifth of the population with some voting power is Israeli Palestinians, within Jewish Israel there is a real internal split.

Even though during the last election Israelis moved to the hard right, a serious body of people are still working for a two-state solution. And the only force in the world that can deliver that is the United States government.

You're right that many Palestinians have called for divestment, etc., but I disagree that the oppressed automatically get to decide their own tactics.  For example, Hamas made a terrible ethical and practical political mistake by responding to the embargo and blockade on Gaza with rocket attacks on civilians in Israel.  I recognize that there had to be resistance.

But there were nonviolent alternatives. There were beginning to be "ship-ins," in the model of sit-ins.  Small boats that had been certified as not carrying any weapons, began to cross the Mediterranean carrying medicine and food, especially baby food, to civilians in Gaza.  The first couple got through, but then beginning with the massive attack on Gaza, the Israeli navy forced others back.

NK: They shot at one, and rammed another.

AW: Yes.  Now, the question is, what would have happened if the Palestinian leadership, including Hamas, had said to Europeans and to Americans, we welcome this vigorous, assertive, nonviolent resistance to the blockade.  We beg for doctors and peaceniks and academics and everybody under the sun to start joining in and bringing these boats, and we appeal for pastors and priests and rabbis and imams to start coming in these boats. In fact there was a mass public welcome of the first boats that got through.

But Hamas did not choose that response.  Rather they shot rockets into civilian neighborhoods, which is both ineffective and unethical.

NK: Let me clarify.  I don't believe any oppressed community deserves blind support for its tactics.  But it's precisely because there has been so much blanket criticism of any Palestinian armed resistance that I think there is a responsibility to respect calls for nonviolent solidarity actions like BDS, which are the most effective tactics in the nonviolent arsenal.

AW: But the question is, "What will work."  And when you say what the tactics could be, I agree that sanctions are a thousand times better than shooting rockets at civilian neighborhoods, but they don't work.  The nonviolent tactic of the ship-ins was direct, visible, and could've become a massive event.  It would've been as direct a challenge to the blockade as the sit-ins in the restaurants were to American segregation.

The sit-ins in the American South were extraordinary because people didn't say, "Pass a new law to end segregation."  They said, "We ourselves are going to end segregation." We imagine the future without segregation, we're going to do it, and then you all are going to have to decide what to do with us.  Kill us or change the law."  So that was extraordinary effective.  For me, the question is, "How do you create that kind of change?"

The Presbyterians and a few other Protestant groups broached the question of the divestment from Caterpillar, which was producing the bulldozers that were knocking down Palestinian houses. I told the Presbyterians, "This is a waste of time.  What would work would be if you all decided that every Presbyterian Church in American was going to bring an Israeli and a Palestinian at the same time to lay out the Geneva Initiative for a two-state peace treaty and the Presbyterian Church was going to commit itself to lobbying for that with the Congress and the president."  That would've been incredibly effective, and still would be, if the churches and some Jews and some Muslims got together on this.

NK: I think those are wonderfully complementary strategies. We're going to have to throw everything at this problem.  And that's why I'm so resistant to taking such powerful tactics as BDS out of the game at such a crucial moment.  I support the BDS strategy because it will work, and it will work because it cuts to the heart of something that is so important to so many Israelis. And that is the idea of normalcy, of Israel really being a part of Western civilization, even though they are in the Middle East.

It is possible to lead a very comfortable, very peaceful, secure life in most parts of Israel-not all, but most-despite the fact that Israel is at war with neighbors. I don't think Israel has a right to simultaneously rain bombs and missiles on Gaza, to attack Lebanon in 2006, and also have this state of normalcy, peace, cosmopolitanism.

There should be a price for that.  And I think that when Israelis do start feeling that, they may well start putting pressure on their political leaders for change.  So I don't buy the argument that they'll just feel isolated and become more right wing.

ITT: Naomi, Helen Suzman, a white South African who was a leader of the anti-Apartheid movement, who died this past January, argued that economic sanctions against South Africa during Apartheid had hurt the entire population, particularly the poor.  Would not the same thing happen in the occupied territories?

NK: It is true that in South Africa it did hurt the entire population.  And the call for sanctions was consciously made despite that fact. And that is why it is so extraordinary, that there has been such a widespread call from Palestinians despite the fact that they will also suffer under it.

But we can't compare the kind of suffering Gazans are facing under the Israeli blockade and embargo to what Israelis would suffer if a BDS campaign were to get off the ground. Were talking about people in Gaza lacking life-saving medicine, cooking oil and food, versus Israel losing some foreign investment, and not having concerts and some academic conferences.  These are not in the same league.

AW: Naomi, you said you see them as complementary strategies, but in  the real world, people have to decide what to put their energies into.  Do we think that if the Presbyterian church is trying to put its energies into boycotts this time, not just of Caterpillar but of all Israeli society, that that's going to be workable alongside of and at the same time as mobilizing Israeli and Palestinian voices simultaneously in those churches, and then those churches lobbying Congress on these solutions?  I don't believe it.

NK: That is what happened with South Africa.  The BDS strategy personalizes the dispute. You follow the money at your own school, your own shopping habits, you own government, and extraordinary lively debates ensue that are not just about the boycott strategy but are about why the boycott is happening.  That's happening right now at Hampshire College.

The boycott starts the debate, it brings teeth to it so you're not just signing yet another statement that can be ignored.

And that's the dynamic that BDS promises. Just as in South Africa, where you had a lot of industry saying to the Apartheid regime, "We can't live with this any longer," we would have that dynamic within Israel.

AW: But there is a huge difference between South Africa and Israel.  In South Africa, the U.S. government was not pouring billions of dollars into the country. Whereas, in the case of Israel, the U.S. government is.  That support seems to me to be far more the point.  The likelihood of Israelis saying, "Wait a minute, this is a serious problem," is going to be much greater if the Obama administration says: "Here's the deal. There's going to be an emergency peace conference in the Middle East.  It's going to come out with a Palestinian state that's really independent, not chopped up in little bits, and there will be a peace treaty with all the Arab states." I can see the possibility of a whole new American outlook making peace in the Middle East.

NK: I agree, but the question is how do we get to the point where the Obama administration feels the need to say, "Here's the deal."  I don't see that happening any time soon.  I'm arguing that BDS is a fantastic movement-building tool in the United States. I don't see people marching against the occupation just like that. BDS is a conversation starter, it makes it personal in the same way as the amazing grassroots movement we had in the '80s against South Africa in the United States.

AW: Yes, there needs to be a real life, day-by-day connection to making change happen.  But from my point of view, if you could bring Muslims and Jews and Christians together, meeting each other, talking to each other, getting past the fear and stereotypes about each other, if you could get that happening, that would be a piece of the future the way the sit-ins were a piece of the future.

The way to build the movement in the United States is for the people who are here to build a movement among themselves.  A big hunk of the unrepresented Jewish population in the United States-somewhere between half and two-thirds of it-agree that there needs to be a two-state solution.  Their institutions either don't agree or won't do much about it.

ITT: Arthur, during the war on Gaza, J-Street, which is a new "pro-peace, pro-Israel" group, posted an editorial on its web site stating, "We recognize that neither Israelis nor Palestinians have a monopoly on right or wrong." In response, Noah Pollack, blogging for Commentary magazine, wrote, "It is time that thinking people start calling J-Street what it actually is: an anti-Israeli group."  What is it about Israeli politics that makes it so difficult to discuss.

AW: Well of course Commentary would say that.  But it's not difficult to discuss.  In fact, J-Street has gone right on and continued speaking out.  Much more to the point and much more upsetting, was that Rabbi Eric Yoffie, president of the Union for Reform Judaism, wrote an op-ed in the Forward condemning J Street, saying that J Street's "words are deeply distressing because they are morally deficient, profoundly out of touch with Jewish sentiment and also appallingly naïve." He represents, in theory, a million Jews. But it didn't kill J Street.

You can't do now what was done in the '70s to the first American Jewish organization to talk about a two-state solution, Breira, which got killed by attacks from the center as well as the right wing of Jewish institutional life. That's not working this time.

NK: While I understand that the Jewish community is finding voices that are more diverse, we have to be clear that this is not just a Jewish issue.  And maybe it shouldn't even be Jews who lead this issue.  In Europe, it isn't just Jews who are leading this issue.

AW: Well, the other difference between Europe and the United States is that in Europe, the Jewish community, for reasons of history 75 years ago, doesn't have much political clout.  In the United States, the Jewish community does.  So changing the Jewish community, building progressive organizations is both possible and necessary in the American Jewish community.

I don't attack BDS as unethical. I'm saying it won't work.  But there is one major ethical defect to it, I think, which is that it doesn't embody the future in the present. The future it does not embody is the one most precious and most legitimate for Israel: peace with all the Arab states. I agree that a policy of all carrots for Israel and all sticks for the Palestinians is both an ethical and practical disaster. But sticks-only for Israel won't and shouldn't work, and that's what the BDS approach feels like. Sometimes that works anyway-it did in South Africa.  But it hasn't worked (and shouldn't) when used against Palestine - what stronger BDS could there be than the one against Gaza? --  and it hasn't worked (and shouldn't) against Cuba.  In the United States around civil rights, it was embodying the future in the present that worked.  What will and should work now is that One Big Carrot of peace, with sticks right behind it if an Israeli government rejects the carrot.

NK: I think BDS  does embody the future, because it says that Palestinian lives matter deeply.  The asymmetry of so much of the discussion, the uproar about Israeli universities facing a boycott and the outrage of what that would mean in terms of freedom at the same time as Palestinian schools and universities are being bombed.  When we reject that double standard, we are embodying the future we want.  We are embodying it with measures that are indeed punitive.

AW: But what would have happened if Hampshire College had twinned itself with the university in Gaza and a university in Ramallah and had done its best to make real-life connections??

NK: Frankly, not as much as what is going to come of this.  At Hampshire College there have been absolutely fantastic exchange and dialogue of all kinds, and I don't think that it has changed the economic and political dynamics, which are what need changing.

AW: I agree that that is what needs changing, but I don't think this is the way to do it.  I don't think we're going to agree on which set of tactics are best, but I guess people are going to have to make up their own minds. I do think the goal has to be nothing is going to happen unless the policy of the United States changes.

NK: I agree with that.  We just have a disagreement about how we get there.  I think BDS changes the dynamic, because it inserts multiple other economic powers into the equation.  It would put grassroots pressure on the Obama administration that could become hard to ignore.  And also pressure within Israel.  I certainly agree that it will piss off Israelis, but I also think we need to acknowledge that ignoring the call is an active position towards Palestinians, it's not a passive one.

That's the end of the conversation as published in ITT. Some additional thoughts:

1.  Several weeks before this conversation, I had received a message about a Jewishly defined demonstration calling for "No Israeli attacks on Gaza, no airborne assassinations of Palestinian leaders, no blockade / embargo of Gaza."  I wrote back asking, "Can't there be just one more sign  ---  'No rocket attacks on Israeli civilians' "?  I got back a response that the oppressed are entitled to choose their own tactics of resistance, and no one can legitimately criticize whatever they choose. To which I erupted with a mixture of disgust and rage, saying that even though the rockets murder far fewer Israeli civilians than the bombs on Gaza murder Palestinian civilians,  the rockets are still murderous and "the oppressed" don't get a free pass; condoning murder at retail is not acceptable just as condoning murder at wholesale is not. (I was accused of being rude. It's true.)  I am happy to point out that Naomi Klein did NOT adopt this stance of supporting whatever the oppressed choose to do. There is both an honorable, menshlich Left and a dishonorable, un-menschlich one.

2. I do not think the Israeli-Palestinian conflict can any longer be solved in a bubble of its own. I think the pursuit of peace in the broader Middle East, including peace treaties among Israel, Palestine, all Arab states, and Iran, will be necessary in order to bring about peace even between Israel and Palestine, and that Israeli-Palestinian peace is also necessary (though insufficient) if there is to be peace between the United States and the Arab and Muslim worlds.  BDS aimed only at Israel cannot achieve that end.  The determined application of non-military US influence and power to that end probably can. But not the US conquest and occupation of Arab and Muslim countries.

3. As I said, and as Naomi Klein agreed, the crucial question is whether the US government commits itself to a peace policy. In my view, the crucial strategy to achieve that is to focus precisely on that result - a likelier way to get there than BDS. When push comes to shove, if the US gets clear that region-wide peace is firm, active,  and immoveable US policy, that is both a promise and a warning to Israel. In support of that promise and warning, there will undoubtedly need to be pressure as well as help. Many sorts of diplomatic and economic pressures are available to any great power. For example, cutting aid as many dollars as the Israeli government uses to demolish Palestinian homes and build new settler homes on the West Bank would be a start.

4. To give any US administration the political support for walking that path, the only effective grass-roots base I can see is a determined Abrahamic Alliance of Jews, Christians, and Muslims, committed to seeing this peace making as an intrinsic part of our religious lives, woven not as vague generalization but as specific commitments into our prayers, festivals, life-cycle ceremonies, and public advocacy. I think such an Abrahamic Alliance is not only politically and tactically necessary but can and must grow from the deepest spiritual commitments of all the Abrahamic communities.

Shalom, salaam, peace --  Arthur

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The Paradoxical Commandments
by Dr. Kent M. Keith

People are illogical, unreasonable, and self-centered.
Love them anyway.

If you do good, people will accuse you of selfish ulterior motives.
Do good anyway.

If you are successful, you win false friends and true enemies.
Succeed anyway.

The good you do today will be forgotten tomorrow.
Do good anyway.

Honesty and frankness make you vulnerable.
Be honest and frank anyway.

The biggest men and women with the biggest ideas can be shot down by the smallest men and women with the smallest minds.
Think big anyway.

People favor underdogs but follow only top dogs.
Fight for a few underdogs anyway.

What you spend years building may be destroyed overnight.
Build anyway.

People really need help but may attack you if you do help them.
Help people anyway.

Give the world the best you have and you'll get kicked in the teeth.
Give the world the best you have anyway.

© 1968, 2001 Kent M. Keith

" In the final analysis, it is between you and God.  It was never between you and them anyway."-Mother Teresa

“You cannot talk like sane men around a peace table while the atomic bomb itself is ticking beneath it. Do not treat the atomic bomb as a weapon of offense; do not treat it as an instrument of the police. Treat the bomb for what it is: the visible insanity of a civilization that has obey the laws of life.”- Lewis Mumford, 1946

The age of warrior kings and of warrior presidents has passed. The nuclear age calls for a different kind of leadership....a leadership of intellect, judgment, tolerance and rationality, a leadership committed to human values, to world peace, and to the improvement of the human condition. The attributes upon which we must draw are the human attributes of compassion and common sense, of intellect and creative imagination, and of empathy and understanding between cultures."  - William Fulbright

“Any nation that year after year continues to raise the Defense budget while cutting social programs to the neediest is a nation approaching spiritual death.” - Rev. MLK
Establishment of Israel
"On the day of the termination of the British mandate and on the strength of the United Nations General Assembly declare The State of Israel will be based on freedom, justice and peace as envisaged by the prophets of Israel: it will ensure complete equality of social and political rights to all its inhabitants irrespective of religion it will guarantee freedom of religion [and] conscience and will be faithful to the Charter of the United Nations." - May 14, 1948. The Declaration of the Establishment of Israel
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